Watch a Manipuri dancer for a minute and the first thing you notice is a sound that is not there. Every other classical form in India arrives with its own percussion section, and the dancer is wearing it. The bells are strapped at the ankle, they announce every step, and in Bharatanatyam or Kathak they are half the point: the footwork is audible, and the audience hears the arithmetic of the rhythm before it sees anything.
Manipuri has none. Not a smaller set, not a quieter set. None. It is the one recognised classical tradition in the country in which the dancer makes no sound at all.
Start with the tailoring
The explanation is not musical. It is a piece of dressmaking. The women's costume, the potloi, ends in the kumil: a barrel-shaped skirt, narrow at the top and at the bottom, embroidered with mirrors and gold thread, and stiffened — this is the detail that decides everything else — with a thin hoop of bamboo.
A hoop, not a hem. The skirt does not hang from the waist; it holds a shape. Which means that from the waist to the floor the dancer is inside a cylinder. Her knees are in there. They move, obviously, or she could not walk. But nothing about them is visible, and nothing about them is available to a choreographer.
You cannot build a vocabulary on a joint nobody can see. So the technique goes looking for the joints that are still visible — waist, spine, wrists, neck, shoulders — and spends the entire dance there.
Why the bells would only rattle
The second consequence is the interesting one, because it shows the constraint doing real work. The kumil holds the hem a hand's width above the floor, and the technique keeps the foot low and soft: the dancer glides, she does not strike. A foot that glides does not hit anything. Strap bells to it and you do not get a rhythm, you get a rattle.
So the bells are not omitted out of modesty, or out of some aesthetic preference for quiet. They are omitted because the costume removed the thing they were there to amplify.
There is a second reason, and it is about who is watching. The Ras is not a performance in the ordinary sense. It is offered in the temple — at the Govindajee shrine in Imphal for the great occasions, in a nat mandap built for the purpose — and the audience of record is the deity. The singing is the offering. Inside that frame, a bell on the dancer's ankle is the performer's own sound, added to an offering that is supposed to belong to somebody else.
Where the beat went instead
A rhythm has to be somewhere. If the feet are silent and the legs are hidden, the beat has two homes left.
The first is the torso. The characteristic Manipuri movement is a continuous rise and fall: the body lifts and settles in one unbroken curve, with no angle anywhere and no accent at the top. Read that as a metronome and it makes sense. The beat is expressed as a swell rather than a strike. That is why the form looks soft to eyes trained on the sharp geometry of the other styles, and why it is much harder than it looks. A strike is easy to land on a beat. A curve has to be continuous through the beat, and stay continuous when the tempo changes.
The second home is the drum. Here the tradition did something no other classical form did: it made the drumming into a dance. In pung cholom the men dance while playing the pung, a barrel drum slung on a strap, jumping and turning and landing while their hands keep the pattern. Kartal cholom does the same with cymbals. The pung is not treated as a prop; it is an object that is greeted, and the whole ritual frame around it — Sankirtana, listed by UNESCO in 2013 — is older and larger than the theatre it now sits inside.
Put the two solutions together and the design becomes legible. The women's half of the form carries the beat in a body you cannot hear. The men's half carries it in a body you can watch making it. Nobody needed ankle bells, because the rhythm was already visible twice.
The eyes, and who they are for
One more rule comes out of the same premise. Dancers do not meet the audience's eye; the gaze stays on the fingertips, and the face is covered by a thin translucent veil. Expression is not projected outward. It is offered inward.
On a proscenium stage this reads as coldness, and early reviewers outside Manipur said exactly that. In the nat mandap it reads correctly: the dancer is facing the image, and the people behind her are not the point. The veil is not concealment. It is the difference between a face that is available and a face that is being used.
One author, one date
Most dance costumes accreted. Layers were added by generations of performers and tailors, and the technique adapted around each addition. The Manipuri Ras Lila did not accrete. The tradition attributes the choreography and the costume to a single king, Bhagyachandra, who is said to have designed them after a dream, with the first Maha Ras performed at the Govindajee temple in 1779.
Whether the dream is the right place to begin the history is a separate question. The attribution explains something all the same: a costume designed together with a dance is coherent in a way an evolved one never is. Each element is doing a job and none of them is fighting another. It also explains why the form is so hard to alter — change one part and you have broken a system, not updated a look.
The Ras also runs on a calendar, and that part is verifiable. Five forms are fixed to lunar occasions: Maha Ras at Kartik Purnima, Vasanta Ras in spring, Kunja Ras in autumn, Nitya Ras on any auspicious night, and the Diba Ras, introduced later, in daylight only. A form organised by almanac rather than by season ticket has no reason to compress itself for an audience. It has a reason to be long, and it is.
What happened when it left the temple
In 1919 Rabindranath Tagore began bringing Manipuri teachers to Santiniketan. From the 1940s Guru Bipin Singh taught in Calcutta and Bombay, and the Jhaveri sisters carried the form to audiences that had never stood in a nat mandap.
The transfer worked, but it moved the weight. On a lit stage, with a paying audience seated in the dark, a silent dancer is a problem for the box office, and the solution is the drum: bring the pung forward, amplify it, let it carry the rhythm that the torso is expressing but not announcing. That is a reasonable adaptation. It is also a different balance inside the form — the men's instrument now sets the terms for the women's dance.
The point of the barrel
Which brings the argument back to the skirt. There is a recurring proposal, in every generation, to make the kumil lighter or shorter so the dancer can move more freely. It is always framed as freeing the body.
It would do the opposite. Give the legs back and you have to give the feet something to do; footwork means bells or stamps; a loud foot means the torso stops carrying the beat; and the wave flattens into an accent. You would not be modernising Manipuri. You would be replacing it with a form that already exists elsewhere, and losing the only one that solved the problem this way.
The costume is the score. That is the whole claim, and it is why the most conservative thing about this dance is also the most interesting.
Sources and checks
- Sangeet Natak Akademi Manipuri — entry in the Akademi's listing of the eight classical dance forms of India
- UNESCO Sankirtana, ritual singing, drumming and dancing of Manipur — inscribed on the Representative List, 2013
- Jawaharlal Nehru Manipur Dance Academy Imphal; teaching syllabi and repertory notes for the Ras, pung cholom and kartal cholom
- Singh, E. Nilakanta Writings on the Lai Haraoba ritual corpus and its relation to the codified dance repertoire
- Vatsyayan, Kapila Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts. New Delhi: Sangeet Natak Akademi, 1968
Last checked 3 November 2026 Yellowsea Huang Corrections